1831–1844 (documented through 1879)

Joseph Smith's Plural Marriage

Polygamy, polyandry, and the women sealed to the founding prophet

Commentary, by camp

Each block states one camp's reading in that camp's own terms. They are kept apart on purpose: no camp here is the neutral one.

Official LDS

The Church's own account

The Gospel Topics essay presents plural marriage as an ancient principle restored by commandment, introduced incrementally and confidentially, and difficult for everyone involved. It states plainly that the historical record is thin, that later reminiscences are not always reliable, and that some ambiguity will always accompany our knowledge about this issue. It acknowledges Helen Mar Kimball's age, the sealings to women with living husbands, and that members and leaders issued carefully worded denials that denounced spiritual wifery and polygamy but were silent about celestial plural marriage. Saints, volume 1, narrates the same events for a general membership, saying that torn between the Lord's mandate to practice plural marriage and Emma's opposition, Joseph sometimes chose to marry women without Emma's knowledge, creating distressing situations for everyone involved.

Faithful / apologetic

Hales, FAIR and Interpreter

Brian Hales's site, the FAIR wiki and the Interpreter Foundation argue that the sealings fall into three classes: time-and-eternity marriages that included sexual relations, time-only, and eternity-only sealings that did not. On this reading the sealings to legally married women were eternity-only, no woman had two husbands at once, and there is no unambiguous evidence of sexual polyandry. They stress that Heber C. Kimball, not Joseph, initiated the Helen Mar sealing, that Helen continued to live with her parents, and that she was not called to testify in the 1892 Temple Lot case when three other wives were called specifically to testify to conjugality. On the denials, they argue that Joseph was answering charges of adultery and of Bennett's spiritual wifery, neither of which described what he was doing, and that under Illinois law a private union not publicly announced was not prosecutable.

Neutral academic

The biographers

Bushman, Turner, and Newell and Avery converge on the facts and diverge on the reading. Bushman puts the total most likely between twenty-eight and thirty-three, notes that ten were already married, concedes that Joseph exercised such untrammeled authority in Nauvoo that it is possible to imagine him thinking no conquest beyond his reach, and concludes that the marriages indicate an impersonal bond: He did not lust for women so much as he lusted for kin. Turner treats Emma's expulsion of Fanny Alger as her response to what she simply understood as her husband's unfaithfulness. Newell and Avery reconstruct Emma's oscillation between consent and resistance in detail and decline to resolve who burned the revelation. All three treat the secrecy and the denials as facts to be explained rather than charges to be answered or dismissed.

Nuanced

Dialogue, BYU Studies and the Journal of Mormon History

The journal literature is where the numbers and categories are actually argued. Compton's 1996 Dialogue overview identifies only thirty-three wives, deliberately erring on the side of caution against Brodie's forty-eight, Quinn's forty-six and George D. Smith's forty-two; Smith's own 2010 Journal of Mormon History article settles on thirty-eight; Hales, writing in the same journal in 2014, accepts Compton's thirty-three and adds two. Van Wagoner's 1985 Dialogue article set the terms of the polyandry debate. On the single strongest case for a child by a polyandrous wife, Josephine Lyon, autosomal DNA analysis reported by Ugo Perego and colleagues and summarised in BYU Studies found no genetic tie to the Smith line and a significant match to Windsor Lyon's relatives, a result Hales accepts and says he had not expected.

Critical / secular

The critical reading

Brodie, Vogel, MormonThink, LDS Discussions and the CES Letter argue that the practice began as an affair with Fanny Alger and that the theology was built afterward to license it. They point to the 1835 Article on Marriage published while the Alger relationship was known, to the October 1842 certificate signed by women who were themselves secretly sealed to Joseph, and to the 26 May 1844 speech as a sequence of deliberate falsehoods. On the angel with the drawn sword they note that every account is late and that Joseph deployed the story to women he was proposing to, which they read as coercion of young and dependent women rather than as evidence of reluctance. On ages they hold that fourteen was not normal in 1843 and that a fourteen-year-old girl should never have been put in that position, whatever the era's law allowed.

What it cost people

Around three dozen women rearranged their lives around secret marriages they could not name in public, some while continuing to live with legal husbands, some as teenagers in the household of the man they married. Zina Huntington said she made a greater sacrifice than to give my life, because she never anticipated again to be looked upon as an honorable woman. Emma Smith spent thirty-five years after her husband's death maintaining, to her sons and to the world, a story she had reason to know was untrue. Helen Mar Kimball wrote both a defence of plural marriage and an account of her mother's grief at watching her enter it at fourteen. These were not abstractions; they were households, friendships and reputations, and most of the cost fell on women.

The moral question the record poses

The record poses a question it does not answer: what is owed to people who are asked to obey a commandment they cannot verify, delivered by a man who has staked their salvation on it and who is telling the public the opposite. Joseph Smith told Helen Mar Kimball's family the sealing would ensure their exaltation; he told Lucy Walker she had until tomorrow; he told several women an angel with a drawn sword had threatened his life if he did not proceed. Whether that is a prophet under compulsion communicating urgency, or a powerful man engineering assent from people who could not refuse him without cost, is the question, and the documents that would settle it either do not exist or were never made.

What it asks of an institution — and of you

For an institution, the issue is what it owes people who joined on a version of the story that was incomplete. The Church published the Gospel Topics essay in 2014 and Saints in 2018, and both say more than a century of manuals did; whether that closes an obligation or opens one is contested by the people most affected. For an individual, the question is narrower and harder: what to do when a founder's conduct is documented, the theology built on it is still operative, and the community you belong to reads the same record and reaches a different conclusion in good faith. Nothing in the record requires a person to abandon a religious commitment, and nothing in it lets a person avoid knowing what happened.

Questions to carry away

  • If the sealings to married women were eternity-only and non-sexual, why did Patty Bartlett Sessions write that hers was for time and all eternity?
  • Does the 2016 DNA result on Josephine Lyon settle the polyandry question, or only the one case in which it could be tested?
  • Can a fourteen-year-old's consent, given at her father's urging and under a promise of her family's exaltation, be meaningfully distinguished from compliance?
  • Is a carefully worded denial that is technically true but designed to mislead a lie, and does the answer change if the alternative is mob violence?
  • What would the church's account look like if Emma Smith, rather than Joseph's Utah followers, had controlled the archive?

Open questions the evidence does not settle

  • The total number of wives: Compton says thirty-three, Hales thirty-five, George D. Smith thirty-eight, Quinn forty-six, Brodie forty-eight. The disagreement is about evidentiary standards, not about the existence of documents.
  • Whether any sealing to a woman with a living husband was sexual. Hales says no unambiguous evidence exists; Compton and Van Wagoner treat the category as open; the one testable case came back negative in 2016.
  • When Emma Smith first learned. The earliest documented date is May 1843, roughly twenty-five sealings in; Newell and Avery argue for April 1842 or February 1843, and Hales argues for incremental disclosure.
  • Whether Joseph Smith wrote the Happiness Letter to Nancy Rigdon. The Joseph Smith Papers place it in an appendix precisely because authorship is uncertain.
  • Whether the Helen Mar Kimball sealing was consummated. Helen described it as for eternity alone; Compton believes it was not; Quinn argued it was; there is no direct evidence either way.

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