1972–2015

The September Six

Six Latter-day Saint scholars and feminists disciplined in one month, 1993

Commentary, by camp

Each block states one camp's reading in that camp's own terms. They are kept apart on purpose: no camp here is the neutral one.

Official LDS

The Church's own account

The Church has never published the evidence heard in any of the six councils, and holds that it should not. Its formal position, issued by the First Presidency and Quorum of the Twelve in January 1994, is that it deeply regrets the loss of membership by anyone; that general authorities have an obligation to teach principles and provide information helpful to local leaders; that in matters of Church discipline the general authorities do not direct the decisions of local disciplinary councils; and that anyone who feels unfairly treated may appeal. Apostasy, on the Church's own definition, is not doubt or inquiry but repeated public opposition and persistence in teaching as doctrine what one has been told is not doctrine. In the October 1993 general conference James E. Faust taught that free discussion is encouraged but that 'the privilege of free expression should operate within limits,' and that he found no principle of a 'loyal opposition' in the gospel of Jesus Christ.

Faithful / apologetic

The faithful-apologetic reading

FAIR argues that the reasons for discipline are rarely made public, which leaves former members free to characterise their own cases without contradiction; that the councils were conducted by local leaders under a written definition of apostasy that turns on advocacy rather than belief; and that the Church has never lacked intellectuals who were not 'swatted down.' On Packer's 1981 address, FAIR emphasises that he was speaking to Church Educational System employees hired to build faith, not to professional historians. On Quinn specifically, apologists point to his stake president's written statement that other confidential matters were at issue, and note that because Quinn did not attend, his account of the grounds is conjecture. They also stress that Gileadi was never asked to retract anything and has returned, and that Hanks was rebaptized in 2012.

Nuanced

The disciplined scholars in their own words

Anderson wrote that the conflict was about control — that the institution and its intellectuals both claim the same territory and relate to it differently — and she framed her chronology as an attempt to establish 'the basic facts of "what happened"' before anyone analysed them. Quinn told his stake president the process was designed to punish him for being the messenger of unwanted historical evidence. Toscano charged the Church with what he called patriolatry, the idolatry of God the Father. Hanks says she and five of her contributors to Women and Authority faced discipline, and that they knew the risk: 'We lost our Church membership, but we knew that was the risk and the price for publishing feminist work.' Anderson's appeal declared her testimony of the atonement, her love for the Book of Mormon, and her sustaining of Joseph Smith's successors as prophets, seers and revelators.

Neutral academic

The academic retrospective

Writers in Dialogue and the Journal of Mormon History situate 1993 in a longer arc: the collapse of Arrington's History Division, the Hofmann shock, the culture wars over gender that America and its homegrown religion fought simultaneously, and the 1989 Handbook's new three-part definition of apostasy, which made a council mandatory where it had been discretionary. Jana Riess argues the six suffered a perfect storm of bad timing — too late to be handled quietly, too early for the internet to make suppression impractical. John-Charles Duffy notes the practical consequence: after the Statement on Symposia, the exposure of the Strengthening Church Members Committee and the September Six, the stigma attached to Sunstone and Signature Books pushed Latter-day Saint scholars toward BYU-linked venues, which grew in importance accordingly.

Critical / secular

The critical reading

Critics read September 1993 as a coordinated purge whose architects sheltered behind the doctrine of local decision. The Tanners, publishing within weeks, wrote that while any organisation has the right to excommunicate those who will not conform, it was 'extremely disturbing that the Mormon leaders would work in a clandestine manner to accomplish their purpose,' leaving those on the lower levels to take the blame. MormonThink and the CES Letter place the September Six under the heading of going after members who publish or share their questions, and treat the Strengthening Church Members Committee as the monitoring arm of the institution. The recurring evidence offered is procedural: charges framed in the most general terms the Handbook allows, no right to counsel, no transcript, and letters that give no reason.

Primary source

What the documents themselves show

Set beside each other, the surviving papers do not resolve into one story. The First Presidency's own 1992 statement confirms a general-authority committee that collects material on members and passes it to local leaders while neither imposing nor directing discipline. Anderson's stake correspondence, quoted at length by Levi Peterson from papers she released, shows a stake president warning her that her membership was in jeopardy if she kept collecting reports of abuse, and shows her replying that she could not stop. Quinn's letters and his stake president's letters both survive and contradict each other about what was at issue. Sunstone's council-by-council reporting records four requests denied to Toscano, a ward-level court for Whitesides that excluded her husband, and a letter to Anderson that stated no grounds at all.

What it cost people

Six people lost the community they had been raised in or converted to, and in several cases the marriages, callings and friendships that ran through it. Anderson's account is the starkest: she asked her husband what excommunication would do to their twelve-year-old son, newly ordained a deacon, and to their parents and siblings, all active and temple-married. Whitesides came out of it saying the discipline had opened a spiritual world she had not known existed; Toscano says he lost his faith. Twenty-one children of the September Six grew up in the aftermath, and by one family member's count only two remained active. Two of the six were readmitted; one was refused after twenty-six years of weekly attendance.

The moral question the record poses

A voluntary religious body has the right to decide who belongs to it — the Doctrine and Covenants says so explicitly, and no one in this story denies it. The question the record poses is narrower and harder: whether a body may use that right against people whose offence was to describe accurately what the body had done. Anderson was cut off for compiling a chronology; the Church confirmed within a week of her reading it that the committee she had described was real. Quinn documented plural marriages authorised after the Manifesto, and thirty years later the Church's own Gospel Topics essay says the same thing. Whether being early is the same as being wrong is not a question the documents answer.

What it asks of an institution — and of you

For an institution, the ethical question is procedural before it is theological. A definition of apostasy that turns on advocacy rather than belief is defensible; a definition applied under an instruction to state the charge 'in very general terms' and to 'not give any details or evidence,' with no provision for anyone to help prepare a defence, is a definition that cannot be checked from outside. For a person, the question is what it costs to say a true thing to a community that would rather not hear it, and whether that cost is one you may impose on the people who love you. Anderson answered by staying: refusing anger, refusing withdrawal, showing up every Sunday for the rest of her life.

Questions to carry away

  • If general authorities do not direct local disciplinary councils, how should a member weigh a stake president's own report that an apostle phoned him weekly about a particular case?
  • Is there a coherent line between a scholar publishing an uncomfortable finding and a member 'repeatedly acting in clear, open, and deliberate public opposition to the Church'?
  • Why was Avraham Gileadi — doctrinally conservative, published by Deseret Book, compliant when told to stop — disciplined at all, and why was he the first to be restored?
  • What does it mean that the Church now teaches, in its own essays, several things people were excommunicated for publishing, without revisiting the excommunications?
  • Can a body confidential by design ever demonstrate to those outside it that a particular decision was just?

Open questions the evidence does not settle

  • Whether the six councils were coordinated. Quinn's memoir reports his stake president naming Packer; the First Presidency and Quorum of the Twelve stated in January 1994 that general authorities do not direct local decisions. No document in the corpus adjudicates between them.
  • What Quinn was actually charged with. His stake president wrote that there were confidential matters unrelated to his historical writings; Anderson believed this referred to his sexual orientation; Quinn did not attend, so no agreed record exists.
  • Why Avraham Gileadi was disciplined. He has never explained, was reportedly never asked to retract anything, and was rebaptized in 1996 by the leaders who had excommunicated him.
  • Why Lavina Fielding Anderson's 2019 request for rebaptism was refused when Hanks's and Gileadi's returns were approved. The Church does not explain such decisions; the reasons offered publicly are inference.
  • What role, if any, the Strengthening Church Members Committee played in any specific 1993 case. Its existence and function are established; its files are not public.

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